The election results in Aragon have become a warning sign for all of Spain. Here, the right-wing alliance of Partido Popular and Vox secured 51% of the vote, almost 14 points ahead of the left-wing parties. This balance of power not only intensifies polarization but also shows how rapidly the country’s political landscape is changing. For many residents of the region, this means new challenges and uncertainty regarding governance and future reforms.
The Socialist Party (PSOE) repeated its worst historical result in Aragon, while the rise of Vox and the decline of Podemos and other left-wing forces only underscore society’s fatigue with the current government. Although Partido Popular is losing seats compared to last year, without Vox’s support they cannot form a majority. Parties that previously could have provided an alternative, such as PAR and Teruel Existe, are losing influence or disappearing from the regional parliament altogether.
Rise of extremist forces
In recent years, the influence of political forces at opposite ends of the spectrum has clearly strengthened in Aragon. Vox and Chunta Aragonesista are doubling their results, drawing votes away from traditional parties. This reflects not only local trends but also a nationwide shift: voters are increasingly opting for radical solutions, frustrated with conventional political frameworks.
Aragon is traditionally regarded as a region whose electoral preferences often anticipate the outcome of national elections. Over the past decades, future national winners have often been determined here. That’s why the current result is causing particular concern among PSOE leadership and Pedro Sánchez personally. With each new electoral cycle, Vox gains additional percentage points while the socialists lose ground, casting doubt on their ability to counter the rise of the right.
The decline of traditional parties
The combined result of PP and Vox in Aragon significantly surpasses the figures for the left-wing bloc, which includes PSOE, Chunta, and Izquierda Unida. Even though the Partido Popular failed to exceed its own expectations, it still holds more seats than all the left parties combined. At the same time, the socialists are repeating their anti-record: whereas in 2015 their support was boosted by Podemos’ success, now only seven seats remain on the left—six for Chunta and one for IU.
This time, the failure cannot be attributed to low turnout: participation in the elections rose by nearly one percent, even though the 2023 vote coincided with municipal elections. The results in Aragon echo recent events in Extremadura, where Vox also doubled its share and PSOE found itself in a deep crisis. Despite all its efforts, the Partido Popular failed to pull ahead and remained at the same level.
Implications for the government
The weakness of Sánchez’s government, surrounded by corruption scandals and lacking solid parliamentary support, is becoming increasingly apparent. Against this backdrop, Vox is gaining more than opposition leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo, who has failed to prove his independence. The socialists’ setback is compounded by the disappointment of PP supporters, as their party has not lived up to expectations.
Jorge Azcón’s attempt to call early elections to free himself from Vox’s influence and form an alternative coalition with Teruel Existe and PAR was unsuccessful. The PP lost two seats compared to last year, and potential allies disappeared from parliament. PAR, which governed the region for two terms, failed to enter the Cortes for the first time, while Teruel Existe lost one of its two seats.
New players and rhetoric
Vox is actively employing anti-PP and anti-PSOE rhetoric, allowing them to attract protest voters. The party’s candidate, Alejandro Nolasco, openly declares victory over the ‘two-party deception’, while Vox leader Santiago Abascal urges the PP to change course and seek their support. The PP headquarters is sounding the alarm over the collapse of ‘Sanchism’, and Azcón is repeating slogans about the imminent end of the current government’s era.
These events are unfolding on the eve of elections in Castilla y León, where PSOE is putting forward the little-known candidate Carlos Martínez. Former minister Pilar Alegría has acknowledged the setback, but those close to the socialists are not considering resignation, believing the project is designed for a four-year term. Alegría’s failure, as the first minister to take part in elections, now serves as a warning for other PSOE leaders preparing campaigns in Andalusia, Madrid, and Valencia.
Impact of national decisions
Alegría’s campaign started under a cloud due to the funding agreement between Sánchez and ERC leader Oriol Junqueras. Additional tensions arose after the announcement of the legalization of 500,000 people, which boosted Vox’s position. In his speeches, Sánchez chose to focus on topics not related to the region: he defended the transport minister after the Adamuz accident and criticized ‘tech oligarchs’ and algorithms in the final stage of the campaign.
PSOE holds on to second place in Zaragoza and Huesca but loses ground in Teruel, where Vox gets 24% compared to Alegría’s 17%. In Calatayud, the socialists and the far-right party are nearly neck and neck, and in some Zaragoza suburbs, Vox takes second place. Even in La Muela, where the economy has grown thanks to wind turbines, Vox leads in the number of votes.
Vote redistribution
Chunta Aragonesista also doubles its results, taking votes from PSOE and Podemos. The latter disappear entirely from parliament, with even new political initiatives receiving more support than they did. Chunta, the party founded by José Antonio Labordeta, secures 11% in Zaragoza, enabling Jorge Puello to win six seats. Izquierda Unida retains one deputy. The regional map now clearly shows: the extremes on both sides are strengthening their positions at the expense of traditional parties.
In light of recent events, it’s worth recalling how a sharp political crisis recently erupted in Catalonia due to a transport collapse and calls for resignations. As RUSSPAIN.COM reported at the time, the opposition actively used the situation to put pressure on the authorities, while calls for mass protests and accusations towards regional leaders only intensified the tension. For more on how events unfolded in Catalonia, see the article transport chaos.
In recent years, Spain has increasingly found that regional elections serve as a barometer for nationwide changes. For example, in Extremadura and Castilla y León, similar electoral shifts have led to unexpected outcomes and shifts in political priorities. The rise in support for fringe parties and the weakening of traditional forces can be seen not only in Aragón but also in other regions across the country. These trends are accompanied by a surge in protest sentiments, abrupt changes in political rhetoric, and the emergence of new political players, making Spain’s political landscape ever more unpredictable.
