Over the past two years, Galicia’s political scene has become a hotbed of upheaval. The region’s municipal councils have faced a wave of instability: in just the last five months, nine new no-confidence votes have taken place to change local authorities. The leading player in these events has been the Partido Popular (PP), led by Alfonso Rueda, which seized on legal reforms and the support of former members from rival parties to strengthen its grip in key municipalities.
The situation changed dramatically after Spain’s Constitutional Court (Tribunal Constitucional) in the summer of 2024 allowed parties to form coalitions with so-called ‘turncoats’—lawmakers who left their original factions. This landmark decision proved pivotal: PP managed to persuade eight former opposition members, including four ex-socialists, to back their mayoral candidates. As a result, the party secured control of six new municipalities.
Power struggles and accusations of betrayal
Nearly all shifts in power involving defectors were initiated by the Partido Popular. The only exception was in Noia (province of A Coruña), where socialists, with the help of a former PP member, unseated a right-wing mayor. Council meetings in towns such as Forcarei, Touro, Outes, Fisterra, and Manzaneda were marked by shouts of ‘traitor’ and heated protests.
The PP explains its actions as necessary to ensure stable governance in municipalities where, according to them, political stagnation was evident. Party representatives claim that the new alliances have improved local residents’ lives and increased administrative efficiency.
Scandals, accusations, and political intrigue
In the town of Carral, located near A Coruña, the transfer of power was particularly tumultuous. Attending the session was well-known local politician Ángel García Seoane, who did not hide his indignation at the proceedings. He accused the PP of orchestrating a targeted campaign to seize control in the province, comparing the situation to “buying pigs for the pigsty.”
Seasoned politicians note that such tactics are nothing new for the PP in Galicia. According to former Vigo mayor from BNG, Lois Pérez Castrillo, the party has traditionally launched similar efforts midway through the electoral cycle to strengthen its position ahead of the next elections. In his view, after the Constitutional Court’s decision, the main obstacle to such maneuvers has disappeared.
Opposition reaction and regional consequences
The socialists of Galicia (PSdeG-PSOE) accuse the PP of exploiting legal loopholes to gain power the party could not win at the polls. According to Lara Méndez, the party’s organizational secretary, the PP “buys loyalty” from defectors and then rewards new administrations with various perks—from infrastructure projects to approval of urban development plans.
The PP, for its part, notes that in 2023 the party received the most votes in 191 out of 313 municipalities in Galicia, but was unable to form a majority in several of them due to a lack of allies. Now, with new opportunities, the party seeks to realize its potential.
The fall of the anti-defection pact and new alliances
The Constitutional Court’s decision effectively voided the anti-defection agreement signed in Spain in 1998. According to BNG representatives, this has given the PP a chance to strengthen its position in municipalities important for control over provincial councils. At the same time, despite holding an absolute majority in the regional parliament, the PP controls only one of the seven largest city governments in Galicia and two out of four provincial councils.
Socialists lament the breakdown of the consensus reached in 2010, when restrictions were imposed on defectors participating in no-confidence votes. Now, after the court ruling, these restrictions have been declared unconstitutional, clearing the way for new political alliances.
Municipalities under control and new scenarios
Since June 2024, nine no-confidence votes have taken place in Galicia, six of which resulted in the PP coming to power with the backing of former members of other parties. In some cases, such as in Ribeira, the party managed to replace the mayor without the help of defectors. In others, like in Noia, the Socialists used a similar tactic to unseat PP representatives.
Before the court’s decision, there were unexpected alliances in the region as well: in O Irixo, power shifted from the PP to independents, then to the Socialists, and later back to the PP. In Muxía and Viveiro, changes in power were also accompanied by complex coalitions and deputies switching between parties.
