A Valencia judge has found that former mayor Rita Barberá was aware of corruption involving city contracts. The case centers on payments and influence tied to her inner circle. The ruling closes a major investigation into municipal misconduct.
Rita Barberá, who served as Valencia's mayor for nearly 25 years, has been directly linked to a major corruption case that has unsettled the city’s political scene. The judge in the Azud investigation concluded that Barberá was not only aware of, but also involved in, a network of illicit deals connected to city projects and contracts.
The court found a clear pattern: companies seeking city contracts made payments to Barberá’s inner circle, mainly through her brother-in-law, José María Corbín, and his law firm. These payments were not for legal work, but for access and influence over city decisions. The judge highlighted the PAI del Grao urban development, the failed hospital project at the Universidad Católica de Valencia, and the UTE Los Hornillos consortium as examples of how this system worked.
The Azud investigation covers alleged corruption in Valencia and other municipalities from 1999 to 2013, with at least 38 people now formally prosecuted.
Evidence in the case shows that Acinelav Inversiones 2006 SL, owned by businessman Jaime Febrer, paid Corbín €3,000 a month for almost two years. The stated reason was to get confidential information about the PAI del Grao, a project that included building Valencia’s Formula 1 circuit. Corbín’s job was to pass along Barberá’s preferences and attend meetings with her and other officials, acting as a go-between for the mayor.
Corbín also received regular payments in the hospital project for the Universidad Católica de Valencia. The judge described these as commissions, not fees for legal advice, but for using his personal connections with top political figures. The same pattern appeared with the UTE Los Hornillos, where Corbín billed for services he never provided. His real value was his close relationship with Barberá.
The investigation began after a tip in 2016 and a tax review of the Corbín Barberá family’s finances. What started as questions about unexplained wealth soon grew into a full inquiry into how city contracts were awarded and who benefited. The judge’s final order is clear: Barberá was either complicit in or fully informed about the manipulation of public tenders and the flow of irregular payments through her family’s law office.
According to recent court documents, the investigation was triggered by a tax audit and complaint against Corbín's law firm, which led authorities to uncover broader schemes involving public tenders and urban planning projects. The case also highlights the involvement of former deputy mayor Alfonso Grau, who, along with Corbín, is alleged to have received millions of euros in illicit commissions. The court has identified signs of bribery, influence peddling, abuse of office, document forgery, and money laundering.
These findings echo the pattern of political corruption seen in other parts of Spain, as described in the earlier breakdown of historic abuses. The Azud case stands out for its direct link to the city’s top leadership and the systematic use of personal networks to bypass public processes.
With the court’s findings now public, Rita Barberá’s legacy faces a direct challenge. The evidence leaves little room for claims of ignorance at the highest levels of Valencia’s city hall. This case shows how political power can be used for private gain under the cover of public service. The Azud investigation closes a major chapter in Valencia’s history and shows how deeply corruption can reach into city leadership.
