Rita Barberá, Valencia's mayor for nearly 25 years, has been directly linked to a major corruption case that has unsettled the city’s political scene. In the Azud investigation, the judge concluded that Barberá knew about and was involved in a network of illicit deals tied to city projects and contracts.
The court found a clear pattern: companies seeking city contracts paid Barberá’s inner circle, mainly through her brother-in-law, José María Corbín, and his law firm. The payments bought access and influence over city decisions, not legal work. The judge pointed to the PAI del Grao urban development and the failed hospital project at the Universidad Católica de Valencia. The UTE Los Hornillos consortium offered another example of how the system worked.
The Azud investigation covers alleged corruption in Valencia and other municipalities from 1999 to 2013. At least 38 people are now formally prosecuted.
Evidence in the case shows that Acinelav Inversiones 2006 SL, owned by businessman Jaime Febrer, paid Corbín €3,000 a month for almost two years. The stated purpose was to obtain confidential information about the PAI del Grao, a project that included building Valencia’s Formula 1 circuit. Corbín was to relay Barberá’s preferences and attend meetings with her and other officials as a go-between for the mayor.
Corbín also received regular payments tied to the hospital project for the Universidad Católica de Valencia. The judge described them as commissions for using his personal connections with top political figures, not fees for legal advice. The same pattern appeared with the UTE Los Hornillos, where Corbín billed for services he never provided. His value came from his close relationship with Barberá.
The investigation began after a tip in 2016 and a tax review of the Corbín-Barberá family’s finances. A complaint against Corbín’s law firm and the tax audit led authorities to uncover broader schemes involving public tenders and urban planning projects. Questions about unexplained wealth grew into a full inquiry into how city contracts were awarded and who benefited. The judge’s final order states that Barberá was either complicit in or fully informed about the manipulation of public tenders and the flow of irregular payments through her family’s law office.
Recent court documents also describe the alleged involvement of former deputy mayor Alfonso Grau, who, along with Corbín, is alleged to have received millions of euros in illicit commissions. The court identified signs of bribery and influence peddling, along with abuse of office. It also cited document forgery and money laundering.
These findings echo patterns of political corruption seen elsewhere in Spain, as described in the earlier breakdown of historic abuses. The Azud case stands out for its direct link to the city’s top leadership and the systematic use of personal networks to bypass public processes.
With the court’s findings now public, Rita Barberá’s legacy faces a direct challenge. The evidence leaves little room for claims that senior figures at Valencia’s city hall were unaware. The case shows how political power can bring private gain under the cover of public service, and how deeply corruption can reach into city leadership.
