Más Madrid has rejected the theory that Morocco is using information from the Pegasus spyware scandal to blackmail Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. Party spokesperson Tesh Sidi said Morocco’s use comes from its control over migration, not digital espionage.
For weeks, speculation in Madrid has focused on whether Rabat might be holding sensitive data from Sánchez’s hacked phone as a bargaining chip. Sidi dismissed the idea, saying the Pegasus software, developed in Israel, is not in Moroccan hands for political manipulation. She added that if Israel had compromising material, it would likely use it directly, making the blackmail theory less plausible.
Sidi instead pointed to migration as the real source of pressure. She said Sánchez faces pressure because Morocco can open or close the flow of irregular migration whenever it wants. This, she warned, poses a risk for any Spanish government, whether led by the PSOE or the PP. No administration, she argued, is willing to risk a direct confrontation with Rabat over the issue.
The debate has immediate consequences. Recent events at the Ceuta border, where Moroccan security forces allowed thousands to cross with little intervention, have shown how migration can be used as a tool. As a previous report showed, Spain’s border security can be quickly undermined if Morocco relaxes its controls.
Sidi’s position differs from that of parties like the PNV and Podemos, which have suggested that Pegasus data could be used to pressure the Spanish government. Más Madrid is calling for a more direct response, urging the PSOE to act more consistently and recognize migration as Morocco’s basic tool for influencing Spanish policy, while espionage is not.
Sidi’s comments also show how little room Spanish leaders have when dealing with Rabat. The risk of a diplomatic crisis or a new wave of arrivals keeps Madrid’s options limited. Her call for a firmer stance challenges the usual approach, in which governments have often chosen caution over confrontation.
The Pegasus affair has diverted attention from the more immediate challenge at Spain’s southern border. The evidence points to migration management as Morocco’s preferred way of applying pressure, a tactic that has repeatedly forced Spanish leaders to react. The government’s reluctance to escalate tensions with Rabat reflects the practical limits imposed by geography and dependency. Until Madrid finds a way to reduce its vulnerability on migration, talk of digital blackmail is likely to remain on the sidelines of the real struggle for influence between Spain and Morocco.
