Más Madrid dismisses the idea that Morocco is blackmailing Pedro Sánchez with Pegasus data, arguing that migration control is the real source of pressure. The debate highlights Spain’s limited options with Rabat.
Más Madrid has pushed back against the theory that Morocco is using information from the Pegasus spyware scandal to blackmail Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. Party spokesperson Tesh Sidi argued that Morocco’s real leverage comes from its control over migration, not from any digital espionage.
For weeks, speculation in Madrid has centered on whether Rabat might be holding sensitive data from Sánchez’s hacked phone as a bargaining chip. Sidi dismissed this idea, saying the Pegasus software, developed in Israel, is not in Moroccan hands for political manipulation. She added that if Israel had compromising material, it would likely use it directly, making the blackmail theory unlikely.
Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has publicly stated that the government has no solid evidence linking Morocco to the Pegasus incident, and has called the blackmail allegations a myth.
Sidi instead pointed to migration as the real source of pressure. She said Sánchez is under pressure not because of digital spying, but because Morocco can open or close the flow of irregular migration whenever it wants. This, she warned, is a risk for any Spanish government, whether led by the PSOE or the PP. No administration, she argued, is willing to risk a direct confrontation with Rabat over this issue.
The debate is not just theoretical. Recent events at the Ceuta border, where Moroccan security forces allowed thousands to cross with little intervention, have shown how migration can be used as a tool. As a previous report showed, Spain’s border security can be quickly undermined if Morocco relaxes its controls.
Sidi’s position stands apart from parties like the PNV and Podemos, who have suggested that Pegasus data could be used to pressure the Spanish government. Más Madrid is calling for a more direct response, urging the PSOE to act more consistently and to recognize that migration, not espionage, is Morocco’s main tool for influencing Spanish policy.
According to official statements from the Moroccan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, there is no evidence proving Morocco's involvement in organizing mass migration flows into Ceuta, and Rabat has formally denied using migration as a tool of pressure against Madrid.
Sidi’s comments also highlight how little room Spanish leaders have when dealing with Rabat. The risk of a diplomatic crisis or a new wave of arrivals keeps Madrid’s options limited. Her call for a firmer stance is a challenge to the usual approach, where governments have often chosen caution over confrontation.
The Pegasus affair has become a distraction from the more immediate challenge at Spain’s southern border. The evidence points to migration management as Morocco’s preferred way of applying pressure, a tactic that has repeatedly forced Spanish leaders to react. The government’s reluctance to escalate tensions with Rabat reflects the practical limits set by geography and dependency. Until Madrid finds a way to reduce its vulnerability on migration, talk of digital blackmail is likely to remain on the sidelines of the real struggle for influence between Spain and Morocco.
