The end of the 2025-2026 academic year in Catalonia has left the region’s education sector uncertain. On May 29, union members rejected a last-minute agreement between Education Minister Esther Niubó and leading teachers’ union USTEC, undermining the traditional strategy of strike-driven negotiations. The rejection exposed divisions within the union movement and cast doubt on its ability to lead future talks. It followed roughly 20 strike days during the final part of the previous school year, when unions pressed the Generalitat to negotiate over pay, staffing and working conditions.
The school year officially ended on June 19, and the usual summer pause has begun. The familiar yellow T-shirts of protest are back in storage, and no further strikes are expected until September. Yet the rejected deal was only one part of a wider bargaining process. Separate agreements with CCOO and UGT, followed by a later agreement involving secondary-school teachers’ representatives, included a salary increase reported at about €400 a month, phased over four years. They also set out plans to recruit approximately 6,400 to 6,413 additional teachers and begin reducing pupil-to-teacher ratios in compulsory secondary education. Those agreements did not amount to a settlement accepted across the entire sector.
The depth of opposition was reflected in a June online consultation, which reportedly found that 65% of participating teachers rejected the agreements. USTEC, described as the sector’s largest union with about 35% of the vote, distanced itself from the pre-agreement after the consultation. The disagreement is about more than salary: unions have also challenged the scope of negotiations, with some arguing that discussions on inclusive education displaced the pay demands at the centre of mobilization. Broader calls to address years of underinvestment and funding gaps remain unresolved.
Three potential scenarios now emerge for Catalonia’s education system. First, the yellow T-shirt movement could fade away, like France’s similarly colored “yellow vest” protests, which once channeled broad social discontent but have since lost momentum. Second, after the summer break, most teachers might accept the existing agreements as the best available option, following the example of the secondary teachers’ union. Third, political parties supporting the Catalan government could pursue a comprehensive Education Pact, possibly with a national scope, after the regional budget is approved. Such a pact would address systemic issues beyond temporary measures, including efforts to reduce class sizes or increase staff over the next four years. USTEC, CGT, the Intersindical, the COS, the CNT and the Assemblea Educativa de Catalunya have also considered further mobilization, including a proposed strike on November 11.
Meanwhile, USTEC’s silence on the reported Canet case, involving a 25% Spanish-language classroom requirement, reflects the union’s current retreat from linguistic debates. USTEC, like Junts, has not signed or joined the Pacto Nacional por la Lengua, which seeks to ensure Catalan remains the primary language of instruction in schools. Catalonia’s language structure is commonly described as a model of linguistic conjunction or bilingualism, shaped by the Constitution, the Statute of Autonomy and education law.
Catalonia’s education sector has a long history of labor disputes, often centered on language policy and working conditions, with funding a recurring point of contention. The Pacto Nacional por la Lengua forms part of broader efforts to protect Catalan in public life, while education spending remains a recurring issue. Rejection of the partial agreements has left the Generalitat facing continued union pressure and a dispute that reaches beyond one pay-and-staffing package. It also involves class ratios, inclusive education, funding and the structure of negotiations. The outcome of these unresolved issues will likely shape Catalan education policy in the coming years.
