In recent months, Spanish politics has unexpectedly shifted its focus far beyond the Iberian Peninsula. Latin America, where political passions run as high as in Madrid, has become the stage for new alliances, conflicts, and efforts to seize the initiative. The crisis in Venezuela, which has shaken the region, served as a catalyst for Spanish parties—on both the left and the right—to step up their activities. Now, the power struggle in Spain is tightly intertwined with events in Caracas, Buenos Aires, and São Paulo.
All this is happening against the backdrop of the growing importance of the Latin American electorate within Spain itself. Every year, more and more people from Latin American countries obtain Spanish citizenship and voting rights, forcing parties to rethink their strategies and seek new allies across the ocean. As a result, Spain’s political map is becoming increasingly complex and unpredictable.
The Right Wing
On the right flank of Spanish politics, a fierce battle is unfolding for influence in Latin America. The Partido Popular (PP) and the far-right Vox are vying to outmaneuver each other, using the Venezuelan crisis as a pretext to strengthen their positions. While PP was previously considered the main partner for moderate right-wing forces in the region, Vox is now aggressively expanding its network of contacts, building on the successes of populist leaders such as Javier Milei in Argentina and José Antonio Kast in Chile.
The PP, facing a complicated situation, is trying to save face and distance itself from overly radical allies. After the victories of Milei and Kast, the party expressed cautious satisfaction but was in no hurry to openly support them, wary of being associated with the far right. Vox, on the other hand, makes no secret of its sympathy for the new leaders and actively uses their success to bolster its own image.
Within the PP, figures such as Isabel Díaz Ayuso and former Prime Minister José María Aznar oversee the party’s Latin American agenda. They not only maintain contacts with former presidents of the region but also seek to win over opposition leaders like María Corina Machado from Venezuela. However, thanks to its flexibility and ability to respond swiftly to changes, Vox often manages to stay one step ahead.
Left-wing alliance
On the left flank, the situation is no less tense. Pedro Sánchez’s government is building strong ties with Latin America’s progressive leaders—Lula da Silva in Brazil, Claudia Sheinbaum in Mexico, Gustavo Petro in Colombia, and Gabriel Boric in Chile. These relationships are becoming especially important amid the potential return of Donald Trump to the White House and the global rise of right-wing movements.
Collaboration among left-wing governments goes beyond formal meetings. PSOE signs agreements with Lula and Sheinbaum’s parties, showing readiness for a broad coalition even when partners do not belong to the same political family. Quick crisis response is also key: when another political storm broke out in Venezuela, six Latin American governments, together with Spain, issued a tough joint statement—beating even the European Union to the punch.
Within Spain, left-wing parties like IU and Podemos have traditionally supported anti-imperialist rhetoric and actively leverage events in Latin America to strengthen their own identity. For them, what happens in Caracas is not just foreign policy, but part of the internal struggle for voters’ minds and hearts.
The electoral factor
All this would be mere posturing on the international stage if not for one important detail: Latin Americans are becoming an increasingly visible part of Spain’s electorate. By law, immigrants from Ibero-American countries can obtain citizenship after just two years of residency—a clear difference compared to other migrants. In 2024, of the 250,000 new Spanish citizens, more than 160,000 were born in Latin America, including over 35,000 Venezuelans.
In major cities, especially Madrid, Latin American communities have already formed distinct electoral niches. For example, more than 184,000 Venezuelans live in the capital, and Ayuso is focusing on them by positioning Madrid as the European hub for opposition to the Chávez regime. In addition, most undocumented migrants in Spain also come from Latin America, and many of them will eventually gain the right to vote.
Particular significance is given to the so-called Law of Democratic Memory (Ley de Memoria Democrática), which allows descendants of Republican exiles to obtain Spanish citizenship. According to official data, in the first quarter of 2025 alone, over 80% of citizenship applications via this route came from Argentina, Cuba, Brazil, Mexico, Chile, and Venezuela. Nearly half a million new citizens have already been approved.
Opportunities and challenges
All this is changing the rules of the game for Spanish political parties. They now have to consider not only domestic but also external factors, as well as compete for the votes of new citizens who bring their own political perspectives and expectations. As a result, both PP and Vox are being forced to soften their rhetoric toward Latin American migrants so as not to lose potential voters. The left, meanwhile, is betting on cultural and historical ties, as well as on joint projects with the region’s progressive governments.
The situation remains extremely dynamic. In the coming months, elections will take place in Latin America that could shift the balance of power both in the region and within Spain itself. The question of who will best seize new opportunities and maintain influence remains open. One thing is clear: Spanish politics will never be the same, and the Latin American factor is becoming crucial to the country’s future.
