Ahead of the regional elections in Aragón, attention is focused on how the three left-wing parties, which not long ago formed a single bloc, are now forced to compete against each other for voter support. This rivalry could significantly impact the balance of power in the regional parliament and shape the future of the leftist movement in the area. For many Aragón residents, the outcome of these elections will indicate how effective the fragmented strategies of parties that once united for a common cause truly are.
In 2023, voters who supported Chunta Aragonesista, Podemos, and Izquierda Unida all backed a single coalition—Sumar. However, two and a half years later, the political landscape has shifted: each of these groups is now entering the elections independently. As before, they share much in common—from feminist and environmental slogans to criticism of economic policy and privatization. Yet now they are competing for less than 14% of the vote, according to recent polls, only slightly more than their combined result in the previous elections.
Strategies and Differences
Chunta Aragonesista, led by Jorge Pueyo, is relying on nationalist rhetoric and emphasizes its independence from central parties. The slogan “no chains tying us to Madrid” has become a distinctive feature of Pueyo’s campaign, who was previously a deputy for Sumar. According to polls, Chunta is leading among left-wing forces and may even increase its representation, especially thanks to its popularity among young people: among voters under 25, the party garners more than 10% support, surpassing the socialists. However, in towns with populations between 10,000 and 20,000, Chunta performs weaker than in other segments.
The party also stands out by contesting all three electoral districts of the region, although its chances of success in Teruel remain low. Notably, Chunta enjoys support not only among the traditional left but also among centrists, which broadens its electoral base. Jorge Pueyo is widely known to the public, giving the party an additional advantage in the context of low recognition for other candidates.
Leadership changes
The IU-Movimiento Sumar coalition, led by Marta Abengochea, is forecast to surpass Podemos, despite trailing them in votes in the previous elections. Abengochea, who works in the Zaragoza municipality, focuses on the ‘red thread’ of tradition and a strong class identity. Her team emphasizes the party’s predictability and recognizability, as well as its tough opposition to right-wing and far-right forces.
Unlike Chunta, IU-Movimiento Sumar is stronger among older voters: the party achieves its highest level of support among those over 65. Younger people show less interest. In addition, the coalition leads confidently among those who identify with far-left views, setting it apart from national trends where Podemos traditionally dominates this segment.
Criticism and conflicts
Podemos-Alianza Verde, which also includes an environmental party, takes the toughest stance toward the central government and its former allies. The list leader, María Goikoetxea, misses no opportunity to criticize the Socialists and Sumar, accusing them of corruption and inadequate protection of social rights. During debates, Goikoetxea repeatedly raised questions about controversial government decisions, including tax breaks for landlords and scandals around energy projects.
Although Podemos managed to reach an agreement with the government during the campaign on the legalization of immigrants, the party continues to actively oppose decisions that, in their view, go against the interests of ordinary citizens. One particular source of outrage was the recent agreement between the government and the Basque party PNV, which, according to Podemos leaders, infringes on tenants’ rights. At a rally in Zaragoza, former party leader Pablo Iglesias once again stressed that only Podemos is willing to speak the truth about corruption, NATO, and media influence, while other left-wing forces prefer to avoid escalating the conflict.
Impact on the region
The division of the left-wing electorate in Aragón may result in none of the parties being able to significantly expand their influence in parliament. With overall support remaining low, competition between former allies is especially fierce. For voters, this means their votes could be decisive in shaping the future balance of power in the region.
In recent years, similar situations have occurred in other regions of Spain, where left-wing parties, unable to form a united front, lost ground to more cohesive rivals. As a result, despite similar platforms and objectives, fragmentation has weakened the local influence of the left. In Aragón, this process has become particularly acute amid growing competition and declining interest in traditional parties.
Recent events remind us that comparable electoral splits have already led to unexpected outcomes in other autonomous communities. In some instances, this paved the way for new political forces; in others, it bolstered the right. In any case, experience shows that disunity on the left rarely yields long-term benefits.
Earlier, we took a detailed look at how changes in voting rights and the mass legalization of new citizens could affect election outcomes. In the article “Voting rights for immigrants and descendants of exiles: what will change in 2026» the debates about new voters and the possible consequences for Spain’s political balance were considered. These changes are closely linked to the current shifts in Aragon’s electoral map.
