The investigation into alleged public works rigging involving Santos Cerdán intensifies. Authorities now target family bank accounts and demand records from companies tied to the case. New evidence could reshape the legal landscape.
The judicial investigation into the so-called ‘caso Cerdán’ has entered a new phase, as the Audiencia Nacional authorized a broader review of financial activities linked to Santos Cerdán, former secretary of Organization for the PSOE, and his close relatives. The move follows a decision by Judge Ismael Moreno, who instructed the Guardia Civil’s Unidad Central Operativa (UCO) to examine the bank accounts and financial products of Cerdán’s wife, daughter, sister, and brother-in-law. This step comes amid suspicions of undeclared income and possible illicit flows connected to public works contracts.
Judge Moreno also ordered the ONIF (National Fraud Investigation Office) to provide the UCO with all available files on three construction companies—Mer Construcción, Levantina, and OPR—implicated in the alleged scheme. Investigators are tasked with analyzing tax records for these firms covering fiscal years 2021 to 2023, seeking evidence of irregularities or links to the suspected network. The judge’s latest instructions include reviewing new documents from the Bizkaia tax authority concerning Cerdán’s wife and a company associated with Antxon Alonso, identified as a key associate in the case.
The case against Cerdán is a separate branch from the broader ‘caso Koldo’, which centered on pandemic-era mask procurement fraud and led to convictions for former minister José Luis Ábalos, his adviser Koldo García, and intermediary Víctor de Aldama. According to the UCO, Cerdán allegedly established a parallel network in Navarra, leveraging his political influence and connections with García to steer public contracts. When Ábalos became Minister of Transport and appointed García as an adviser, investigators believe the scheme expanded to the national level.
Authorities suspect that Cerdán used the company Servinabar, formally owned by Antxon Alonso, as a front to channel bribes from contract awards. A UCO report from July 15 estimates that Cerdán and his family may have received at least €320,000 between 2015 and 2024 through various means, including rental income, vehicle leasing, furniture purchases, and salaries paid to relatives. Notably, Cerdán’s partner, Francisca Muñoz, reportedly received €1,300 per month from a Granada-based company without performing any work, and Servinabar attempted to purchase a Madrid apartment for the couple valued at €1 million.
The investigation’s expansion was prompted by findings of unexplained cash deposits between 2014 and 2017, as well as a marked reduction in card spending and cash withdrawals after 2019—coinciding with Ábalos’s ministerial tenure and the awarding of contracts to Acciona. The judge, with support from the Anticorruption Prosecutor’s Office, emphasized the need to access the financial data of Cerdán’s relatives to complete the picture of possible benefit from Servinabar’s funds.
In parallel, the ONIF has been asked to deliver all tax files on Mer Construcción, Levantina, and OPR, as these companies and their executives have been linked to suspicious public works contracts. The Supreme Court previously questioned and imposed travel restrictions on several directors, including José Ruz (Levantina), Antonio and Daniel Fernández Menéndez (OPR), and Fernando Merino (Mer Construcción and former Acciona executive). All have denied paying bribes for contracts.
This development comes as Spain’s judiciary faces heightened scrutiny over high-profile corruption cases. For context, recent disputes within the judicial council regarding disciplinary actions in other sensitive investigations, such as the Begoña Gómez case, have also drawn national attention—see the analysis of internal divisions at the CGPJ in this related report.
Spain’s anti-corruption efforts have intensified in recent years, with the Audiencia Nacional and Guardia Civil playing central roles in uncovering complex financial schemes involving public officials and contractors. The ONIF, as the tax authority’s investigative arm, is frequently called upon to provide critical documentation in such cases. The ‘caso Cerdán’ highlights ongoing challenges in ensuring transparency in public procurement and the persistent risk of collusion between political figures and private companies. As the investigation progresses, further revelations could have significant implications for both regional and national governance, especially given the involvement of high-ranking party officials and major construction firms. The outcome may also influence future oversight mechanisms for public contracts in Spain.
