A police report reveals Servinabar 2000 as a key channel for irregular commissions tied to public works. Nearly 90% of its funds came from Acciona and companies under investigation. The case implicates high-profile PSOE officials.
Servinabar 2000, a little-known construction company from Navarra, has become the focal point of a major corruption investigation involving irregular commissions for public contracts. According to a recent report by the Guardia Civil’s Unidad Central Operativa (UCO), nearly 90% of Servinabar’s income between 2015 and 2025 originated from Acciona and other companies currently under judicial scrutiny in the so-called ‘caso Leire’.
The investigation places former Transport Minister José Luis Ábalos, his advisor Koldo García, and ex-PSOE Organization Secretary Santos Cerdán at the top of the alleged scheme. The UCO report, accessed by EL PAÍS, details how Cerdán and his family benefited from goods, services, and financial advantages paid for by Servinabar and related entities. These included rental properties in Madrid, car leases, furniture purchases, credit card use, and employment contracts for relatives.
Authorities suspect that Santos Cerdán was a hidden partner in Servinabar, having agreed in June 2016 to acquire 45% of the company from his friend, businessman Joseba Antxón Alonso. Investigators believe this arrangement allowed Cerdán to channel irregular commissions. However, Cerdán’s defense maintains that the deal was never formalized, as no public deed was executed. So far, the Guardia Civil has found no evidence of a 6,000-euro payment for the shares, but the report notes that Cerdán and Alonso were described as “partners” or “friends,” which may explain the company’s role as a source of family income.
Between 2015 and 2024, the Cerdán family is estimated to have received at least 323,178 euros in benefits from Servinabar. One notable transaction was the attempted purchase of a high-end apartment in Madrid for nearly one million euros between late 2021 and early 2022, though the deal ultimately fell through.
The UCO highlights that Servinabar served as a financial vehicle for the Cerdán family both directly, through credit cards, and indirectly, via cooperatives like Noran and Erkolan funded by the company. The period from 2019 to 2023 saw the highest benefits, coinciding with Ábalos’s ministerial tenure and Cerdán’s rise to the PSOE’s third-ranking position. In 2019 and 2020, Acciona accounted for 95.7% and 99.8% of Servinabar’s income, respectively. The remainder came from companies implicated in ‘caso Leire’ and a small share from individuals and other firms linked to Alonso.
Among Servinabar’s 21 credit cards, one was assigned to Santos Cerdán for personal use. This business visa, activated in May 2016 but used mainly from December 2021 to February 2024, registered 437 transactions totaling 33,711 euros. Most charges were for restaurants, transport, accommodation, groceries, and cash withdrawals. The UCO notes that 26 transactions, worth 1,630 euros, were linked to locations associated with Cerdán and his family, such as Milagro (Navarra) and Los Corrales (Seville), with most occurring on weekends or national holidays.
The report also mentions traffic fines for speeding in 2016 and 2017, linked to a Kia Sportage leased by Servinabar and used by both Koldo García and Cerdán. Investigators believe Cerdán was responsible for the infractions, based on credit card activity near the time and place of the violations.
This case is part of a broader pattern of scrutiny over PSOE finances and alleged irregularities. For context, the Guardia Civil’s UCO has previously reported difficulties tracing the origins of suspected secret funds within the PSOE, as detailed in a related investigation into party accounts.
Servinabar’s role in the alleged corruption network underscores ongoing concerns about the intersection of politics and business in Spain’s public works sector. The investigation remains active, with authorities continuing to examine financial flows and the involvement of high-profile political figures. The outcome could have significant implications for public trust and future oversight of public contracts in Spain.
