The exposure of a corruption scheme at the Diputación de Almería has become one of Spain’s most high-profile events in recent years. According to El Pais, the investigation uncovered a complex network involving high-ranking politicians, shell companies, and large amounts of cash. The case is already shaping public perceptions of transparency in public procurement and may lead to tighter oversight of how budget funds are allocated.
Start of the investigation
In 2020, Guardia Civil specialists accessed the correspondence of two suspects in drug trafficking, where they discussed large sums and operations. One of them, Kilian López, owned the company Andgar internacional, which investigators allege was used to hide cocaine shipments disguised as coffee from Brazil. However, authorities were interested not only in drugs, but also in references to a ‘pepinazo’—a major deal related to a mask supply contract for the Diputación de Almería. This contract, signed in April 2020, was worth over two million euros, with alleged kickbacks to officials reaching up to 400,000 euros.
The investigation quickly expanded beyond a single episode. UCO found that similar schemes had been used to award numerous public contracts from 2016 to 2021. At the center were three key figures: Diputación president Javier Aureliano García and his deputies, Fernando Giménez and Óscar Liria. Investigators say they coordinated the distribution of contracts among affiliated companies, receiving substantial cash payments in return.
Methods of siphoning funds
Investigators uncovered complex money laundering schemes. For example, García used a bank account registered in his sister’s and parents’ names to deposit cash of unclear origin, which was then used to pay off his mortgage. During searches of his relatives’ homes, envelopes containing cash and records of real estate were found, indicating attempts to conceal the source of the money. Additionally, some funds were spent on personal trips disguised as business, with expenses covered by the Diputación budget.
Special attention is focused on Óscar Liria, who, according to the investigation, not only organized contract schemes but also involved relatives. Large sums of cash were found at his home, and his cousin was detained with nearly 120,000 euros in a pillowcase. The money reportedly came from fictitious contracts for construction work. Attempts to launder funds were also identified through the purchase of a lottery administration business and by acquiring cars for family members.
Internal correspondence and code words
The investigation revealed that members of the scheme used private chats to discuss kickbacks, employing code phrases related to medicine and household appliances. For instance, when talking about amounts, they would refer to ‘tooth fillings’ or ‘TV sizes’ to disguise the real meaning of their messages. After signing contracts for masks, tooth emojis would appear in the chats, which investigators interpret as a sign another kickback had been received.
Despite arrests and searches, some key figures managed to retain their positions for a long time. García was even appointed head of the PP in Almería after the mask case became public. Internal party support and the absence of immediate sanctions from the party leadership allowed them to maintain influence over processes in the Diputación for several more years.
Background and aftermath
Scandals involving the Diputación de Almería are not new. Over the past decades, this institution has repeatedly faced investigations over alleged contract fraud and funding irregularities. As El Pais notes, many cases in the past ended without convictions, and key figures such as Gabriel Amat avoided responsibility. However, the current investigation stands out for its scale and depth, covering the period since 2016 and involving dozens of suspects.
The surge of interest in corruption within government bodies has coincided with other high-profile cases in Spain. For example, there was recent debate over the blocking of a website with the railway speed limit map, which also raised questions about transparency and oversight in infrastructure projects (more on the response to Adif’s actions). Such incidents highlight serious concerns about public trust in state institutions and the need for procurement and spending supervision reforms.
In recent years, Spain has faced a series of corruption cases related to the awarding of government contracts and the use of shell companies. In 2024, authorities in Valencia investigated a scheme involving road construction contracts, with large sums of cash and front companies involved. In Madrid in 2025, irregularities in the procurement of medical equipment were uncovered, leading to the resignation of several officials. These events highlight that corruption in the area of public procurement remains a pressing issue and requires systemic solutions at the national level.
