Gabriel Rufián, ERC’s outspoken spokesperson in Madrid, is at the center of a party standoff just weeks before the November 29 elections. Oriol Junqueras and Elisenda Alamany have publicly backed him as their preferred candidate, but Rufián has not confirmed whether he will run. He wants to choose his own team for the electoral list, a demand ERC’s leadership has rejected. Sources close to Rufián say he is still "reflecting and listening" to different party factions. Meanwhile, the leadership has begun the nomination process, several Spanish media outlets have reported.
ERC’s internal rules, rather than personalities, are calling the shots. The party’s regulations prevent any one person from handpicking their slate, leaving Rufián in a difficult position. If he decides to run, he will have to share the list with party members who have openly criticized his style and priorities. To secure the top spot, candidates need about 400 signatures, roughly 5% of ERC’s membership, between October 6 and 11. A third of the National Executive Committee or a quarter of the National Council can also back a candidate, under official party procedures cited by leading Spanish outlets.
Several names have already stepped forward. Teresa Jordà wants to lead the Girona list. Norma Pujol is running in Tarragona, while Inés Granollers is in the mix for Lleida. Each is working to collect the 400 endorsements needed to make their bid official. Pujol is closely tied to Lluís Salvadó, while Granollers is one of the few deputies still in touch with Rufián. Their moves point to a party with more than one power center as the nomination deadline nears. RTVE and other Spanish sources report that the process limits the leadership’s ability to shape the list on its own. The outcome will depend on internal party rules, as well as public support from figures such as Junqueras or Alamany.
Some deputies are bowing out. Pilar Vallugera and Jordi Salvador, both known for criticizing Rufián’s approach, have said they will not run again. They have accused him of putting his own agenda in Madrid ahead of ERC’s interests. Vallugera’s farewell on X did not mention Rufián. Salvador’s earlier post made his frustration clear: “ERC is not a personal platform nor a space for ultimatums. If necessary, some of us will speak publicly and put an end to the nonsense. Patience has a limit.”
The split between Rufián and Junqueras has become public. Their latest dispute concerned ERC’s support for housing decrees. The deeper conflict, but, is over Rufián’s push for a united left-wing front. The idea received little support outside Podemos and was firmly rejected by ERC’s leadership, which refused to dilute the party’s identity. Rufián toured Madrid, Valencia and Barcelona to pitch the plan but failed to build an alliance. He now finds himself isolated within his own party.
Rufián’s name still carries weight in opinion polls, but his outsider status within ERC is a mixed blessing. He lacks the local network needed to quickly gather the endorsements required for a primary run. The party’s machinery is not built for last-minute power grabs. There are workarounds: if a third of the Executive backs him, or if he gets strong support from the Consell Nacional, he could move forward without the usual grassroots signatures. Several Spanish outlets say the final list will reflect both grassroots and institutional support, rather than individual clout alone.
As the nomination deadline approaches, ERC’s internal splits are now out in the open. The leadership is sticking to the rules, and Rufián’s silence is fueling more questions. The scene reflects wider volatility in Spanish politics, as seen in recent coverage of shifting alliances and early election calls.
With several candidates seeking regional leadership and some critics stepping aside, ERC heads into campaign season with its divisions on display. The leadership’s refusal to bend the rules for Rufián shows it is prioritizing party discipline over personality politics.
