Gabriel Rufián’s future as ERC’s lead candidate is up in the air after party rules blocked his bid to control the electoral list. With critics stepping forward and leadership support uncertain, ERC’s internal rifts are now out in the open.
Gabriel Rufián, the outspoken ERC spokesperson in Madrid, has landed in the middle of a party standoff just weeks before the November 29 elections. Oriol Junqueras and Elisenda Alamany have both publicly backed him as their preferred candidate. Even so, Rufián has not confirmed if he will run. His main sticking point? He wants to pick his own team for the electoral list, but ERC’s leadership has shot down that demand. According to sources close to Rufián, he is still "reflecting and listening" to different party factions. Meanwhile, the leadership has already kicked off the nomination process, as reported by several Spanish media outlets.
ERC’s internal rules, not personalities, are calling the shots. The party’s regulations block any one person from handpicking their slate. That leaves Rufián in a tough spot. If he decides to run, he will have to share the list with party members who have openly criticized his style and priorities. To get the top spot, candidates need about 400 signatures—roughly 5% of ERC’s membership—between October 6 and 11. There are other ways in: a third of the National Executive Committee or a quarter of the National Council can also back a candidate, according to official party procedures cited by leading Spanish outlets.
ERC plans to announce the full candidate list on October 17, with some reports indicating October 20 as the date for final ratification, highlighting a distinction between the announcement and formal approval stages.
Several names have already stepped up. Teresa Jordà wants to lead the Girona list. Norma Pujol is running in Tarragona, and Inés Granollers is in the mix for Lleida. Each is now working to collect the 400 endorsements needed to make their bids official. Pujol is closely tied to Lluís Salvadó, while Granollers is one of the few deputies still in touch with Rufián. Their moves show a party with more than one power center as the nomination deadline nears. RTVE and other Spanish sources report that this process limits the leadership’s ability to shape the list on their own. The outcome will depend on internal party rules, not just public support from figures like Junqueras or Alamany.
Some deputies are bowing out. Pilar Vallugera and Jordi Salvador, both known for criticizing Rufián’s approach, have said they will not run again. They have accused him of putting his own agenda in Madrid ahead of ERC’s interests. Vallugera’s farewell on X did not mention Rufián at all. Salvador’s earlier post made his frustration clear: “ERC is not a personal platform nor a space for ultimatums. If necessary, some of us will speak publicly and put an end to the nonsense. Patience has a limit.”
The split between Rufián and Junqueras has become public. Their latest dispute was over ERC’s support for housing decrees. But the deeper fight is about Rufián’s push for a united left-wing front. That idea got little support outside Podemos and was firmly rejected by ERC’s leadership, who refused to water down the party’s identity. Rufián toured Madrid, Valencia, and Barcelona to pitch the plan, but he failed to build a real alliance. He now finds himself isolated within his own party.
According to Spanish media, Rufián has set 'minimal conditions' for his return, including greater influence over the formation of candidate lists and political decisions; if these are not met, he may withdraw from the race. Meanwhile, the possibility of a united left-wing candidacy remains unresolved, with Joan Tardà insisting that Rufián will only represent ERC and not a broader left coalition.
Rufián’s name still carries weight in opinion polls, but his outsider status inside ERC is a mixed blessing. He does not have the local network needed to quickly gather the required endorsements for a primary run. The party’s machinery is not built for last-minute power grabs. Still, there are workarounds: if a third of the Executive backs him, or if he gets strong support from the Consell Nacional, he could move forward without the usual grassroots signatures. Several Spanish outlets note that this setup means the final list will be shaped by both grassroots and institutional support, not just by individual clout.
With the nomination deadline closing in, ERC’s internal splits are now out in the open. The leadership is sticking to the rules, and Rufián’s silence is fueling more questions. The scene mirrors the wider volatility in Spanish politics, as seen in recent coverage of shifting alliances and early election calls.
With several candidates fighting for regional leadership and some critics stepping aside, ERC heads into campaign season with its divisions on display. The leadership’s refusal to bend the rules for Rufián shows they are doubling down on party discipline over personality politics. The next few weeks will show whether ERC’s internal democracy can hold up under pressure—or if party unity will be the first thing to break as the election cycle heats up.
