Spain’s Interior Ministry was caught off guard when a confidential police report ordered by Judge María Tardón landed on its desk. The report pointed directly to Morocco as the organizer of the mass border crossing at El Tarajal. Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska demanded answers overnight, then publicly denied the report’s basic conclusions. Official statements from the Interior Ministry insisted that the document sent to Judge Tardón did not say Moroccan security forces "planned or executed" the crossing, despite press reports.
Judge Tardón anticipated the risk of political interference. She bypassed the usual channels, working with trusted police contacts to select an investigative team less susceptible to pressure from above. Officers from the Comisaría General de Extranjería were told to report only to her, not to their superiors or the ministry. For nearly a month, the agents worked in isolation, keeping their findings from their own colleagues. Several media outlets, citing the CENIF report, say it includes photos and video showing Moroccan gendarmes and plainclothes figures directing migrants in the El Tarajal area.
The CENIF report estimated that between 72,000 and 80,000 people attempted to cross into Ceuta at the end of July, though publications cited varying figures.
Delivered under strict confidentiality, the CENIF report accused Moroccan authorities of using the border as a political tool, a tactic Spanish police had warned about for years. Despite repeated alerts from law enforcement and local officials in Ceuta, the Spanish government did not act before the July surge, when up to 80,000 people tried to cross at El Tarajal. Several sources say the report describes advance planning and the use of migration pressure, rather than a spontaneous event. The mass movement began after a spike in border-crossing messages on July 28 and 29.
Judge Tardón’s approach was careful and by the book. She used Article 15 of Royal Decree 769/1987 to place the police under her direct authority for this case. She also brought in the Guardia Civil, assigning its Information unit instead of the more politically exposed Policía Judicial. Information handles migration, while Policía Judicial focuses on human trafficking. The Guardia Civil’s report is still pending and could further complicate matters for the government.
Once news of the report broke, the Interior Ministry scrambled to control the story. Marlaska insisted the document did not blame Moroccan security forces, even as evidence suggested otherwise. Frustration grew inside the Comisaría General de Extranjería. Officers said weekly video calls with Interior, Ceuta, Melilla, Guardia Civil, and Policía Nacional had flagged the unusual situation well in advance. "They knew," one source said.
Judge María Tardón reportedly structured the investigation to limit the risk of political interference, assigning the case to the migration and borders police unit and restricting leaks through the usual administrative hierarchy.
The Ceuta crisis has exposed tensions between Spain’s security forces and political leaders before. Operational decisions have often clashed with official statements.
Judge Tardón’s record, handling cases against both the Partido Popular and Catalan separatists, has built her reputation for independence. In this case, she worked to keep the investigation free from political or bureaucratic interference, leaving the government struggling to regain control of the story.
The government initially called the border incident an "attack on integrity," but quickly shifted to denial and attempts to blame Russia, Israel, or unnamed criminal groups. Spanish authorities received multiple warnings, failed to act, and now face the fallout from an investigation Judge Tardón kept out of political hands.
