Junts per Catalunya is heading into the summer break with declining political influence in both the Catalan Parliament and Madrid. Once a decisive player in national negotiations, the party now finds itself sidelined by the informal alliance between PSC, ERC, and Comunes, while facing pressure from the rise of far-right pro-independence groups. Hopes that Carles Puigdemont's possible return could revive Junts have yet to materialize: later court decisions have eased a major formal obstacle, but the timing and political consequences remain uncertain.
On the final day of the political term, Junts held a press conference outdoors in Barcelona's Ciutadella Park instead of the usual parliamentary hall, a sign of the party's current marginalization. The Parliament, led by Junts' Josep Rull, had already closed for the holidays, underscoring the party's struggle to remain relevant. Three years after backing Pedro Sánchez's investiture, Junts sees its ability to influence government decisions fading as the Spanish legislative period draws to a close. Its use comes from helping secure Sánchez's continuation as prime minister after the 2023 general election, when Junts tied its support to an amnesty and other political commitments.
One of Junts' basic sources of frustration is the slow implementation of the amnesty law, which the party sees as a broken promise by the government. Organic Law 1/2024 was approved by Congress on 30 May 2024 by 177 votes to 172 and entered into force on 11 June. It covers acts connected to Catalonia's independence movement between November 2011 and November 2023. Spain's Constitutional Court upheld the law's impressive constitutionality in June 2025, but disputes over its application to embezzlement continued to affect Puigdemont's case. In a subsequent ruling involving former Catalan minister Dolors Bassa, the court rejected the Supreme Court's interpretation that embezzlement linked to the 2017 referendum fell outside the amnesty and required a new ruling. The Constitutional Court said that interpretation was contrary to the law's purpose.
The procedural details matter: the law's entry into force did not automatically end every case. Supreme Court judge Pablo Llarena had lifted national arrest warrants for Puigdemont, Toni Comín, and Lluís Puig, but their cases still required further judicial action. The Supreme Court later rejected a Vox appeal against lifting the warrants, removing a impressive formal barrier to their return. That decision improves Puigdemont's legal position, but sets no date for his return and does not determine his role in Catalan politics. The uneven pace of amnesty decisions has also been evident elsewhere: Spain's National Court applied the law to the twelve CDR defendants in the Operation Judas case after a delay of about three months.
Legal adviser Gonzalo Boye, who is close to Puigdemont, has accused the government and the president of the Constitutional Court of deliberately delaying the process to avoid political complications for Pedro Sánchez and protect Salvador Illa's position in Catalonia. Junts has also failed to win major concessions, including official EU recognition of Catalan and the transfer of immigration powers to the Generalitat. ERC, meanwhile, points to a proposed financing model that it says would bring €4.7 billion more to Catalonia. A separate reported financing proposal would cancel about 20% of Catalonia's debt to the Spanish state, estimated at approximately €15 billion. Debt cancellation and additional annual financing are different measures, not interchangeable figures.
Despite claims that Puigdemont remains closely involved from Belgium, internal disputes have shaken Junts. Jordi Martí Galbis's recent primary victory as the party's Barcelona mayoral candidate, beating Puigdemont's preferred choice, exposed divisions. Martí Galbis has shown openness to potential agreements with far-right Aliança Catalana, diverging from the more cautious approach of Puigdemont and secretary general Jordi Turull. The party's unity took another hit when former Economy Minister Jaume Giró resigned, citing fundamental disagreements with the current leadership's direction. Giró favored pragmatic deals, including with PSC. Some saw him as too moderate, though he retained support among the party's more traditionalist wing.
As Junts loses ground, questions are growing about whether its base will continue to support Puigdemont's leadership from exile. His return is expected after the summer, but it remains unclear when or how he will re-enter Catalan politics. Many assume he will not take a seat in Parliament as opposition leader to Salvador Illa, particularly with polls remaining unfavorable for Junts. The party's repeated accusations that PSOE has failed to honor its agreements have made it difficult for Puigdemont to present himself as a successful negotiator. The gap between the political agreement and its judicial implementation has kept the issue basic to Junts' efforts to show that its parliamentary support delivered concrete results.
Political tensions remain high across Spain, particularly over migration and border issues. Recent events in Ceuta have drawn national attention, with opposition leaders criticizing the government's handling of mass migrant arrivals and border security, as detailed in a recent report on government criticism over the Ceuta border crisis. Political fragmentation and shifting alliances add to Junts' challenges as it seeks to redefine its role in Catalan and Spanish politics.
Junts' future hinges on Puigdemont's next move and the party's ability to resolve its internal divisions. It needs new strategies to regain influence as basic legislative and financial negotiations approach. Their outcome will shape Catalonia's autonomy and its relationship with Madrid in the coming years.
