Rufián has until Sunday to seek ERC’s Barcelona nomination. Junqueras rejects a broad alliance that could weaken the party’s independentist identity.
Rufián has until Sunday to submit his candidacy for the ERC list in Barcelona and collect the 400 required endorsements. The deadline gives the party little room to settle a dispute that has been building for months.
Parties seeking to run together must notify the Junta Electoral within one week. Lists must be submitted by the 26th of this month. Podemos plans open primaries next Wednesday and Thursday, with registration also closing on Sunday.
Oriol Junqueras and Elisenda Alamany have publicly backed Gabriel Rufián as ERC's candidate for the 29 November election, even as the party leadership continues to oppose a broad left-wing coalition.
ERC must now decide whether to back its best-known Madrid figure or keep a separate electoral path for its republican and independentist project. The early election announcement this week turned that internal argument into a race against several deadlines.
The timetable leaves room for Rufián to move to another ticket if the break with ERC becomes unavoidable. That is why his talks with Podemos matter. Ada Colau has offered him a place in the broad left-wing project she supports and says a single ballot could prevent votes from being lost.
Her proposal goes further than an invitation. Colau wants Rufián to take a leadership role in Catalonia and potentially at state level, with Podemos and Irene Montero inside the project.
Rufián is unlikely to disappear from the 29-N contest.
His appeal reaches beyond ERC and Catalonia, particularly among younger voters. He is considered one of the most highly rated politicians in Spain and Catalonia. The Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió even places him among the possible candidates for the Generalitat.
Rufián has argued that the election cannot be won alone. He has not announced a departure from ERC, and no agreement has been reached for him to join another list. His decision could shape the alliance’s electoral offer because his support extends beyond the party’s usual base.
The dispute is not over the need to block a right-wing and far-right majority. Junqueras and Rufián share that priority. They disagree over the instrument.
Junqueras and the ERC leadership have repeatedly rejected an electoral arrangement that could dilute the party’s name and independentist flag. Rufián has pushed for a more direct role inside a wider left-wing platform.
Podemos is maintaining its plan for open primaries around Irene Montero while exploring cooperation with Rufián. The possible formats include his participation in a joint electoral bid and shared campaign events, but no final agreement has been confirmed.
That position has connected Rufián with Irene Montero and Podemos, as well as with Compromís in Valencia and Más Madrid. It has also widened the gap between him and parts of the ERC organisation.
Several party figures see his persistent support for a broad front as evidence that he is pursuing a personal political route. Deputies who have left the party in Congress have made their differences with him increasingly visible.
Junqueras knows that Rufián is probably ERC’s strongest option. He has refused the conditions Rufián sought: greater control over the parliamentary group in Madrid and more authority over its political action. Rufián also wanted room to influence the list being prepared.
The rupture dates back to the 2024 Congress Extraordinari. Rufián supported Junqueras against the candidacy built around Marta Rovira and expected that backing to bring him greater power as ERC’s interlocutor in Madrid. Junqueras retained control instead. The relationship deteriorated after the promised influence failed to materialise.
ERC’s own rules now provide the immediate battleground. The list-making process follows a regulation approved last July. Barcelona is the only one of Catalonia’s four provinces without at least one candidate to head the ticket.
Jordi Albert, the Parliament’s deputy spokesperson and a figure close to Junqueras, entered the race through the Baix Llobregat federation. His presence gives ERC a potential alternative if Rufián does not lead. La Vanguardia reported that Rufián’s demand to include other left-wing forces partly conflicts with ERC’s internal rules, prompting the party to prepare for an independent run in all four Catalan provinces.
Elisenda Alamany has ruled out Junqueras stepping in if that route collapses. He remains disqualified without the amnesty and intends to compete for the Generalitat. Raül Romeva is also waiting for the Tribunal Supremo’s decision.
Neither option can move forward formally unless the relevant cases are closed before 29-N. The Consell Nacional, controlled by Junqueras, has the authority to determine what the party’s rules permit.
An earlier Barcelona report showed how quickly Catalan political calendars can collide with other public pressures. This contest is narrower and more consequential for ERC itself. Each deadline now turns an unresolved political argument into an organisational choice.
ERC is weighing electoral reach against organisational control. Rufián offers the wider appeal needed for the left-wing sum, while Junqueras fears paying for that reach with the party’s identity. The leadership’s refusal to dilute the sigla has made Rufián’s independent value harder to manage.
Movimiento Sumar parliamentary representative Verónica Martínez Barbero called Rufián an enormous electoral asset. She said the organisation is prepared to discuss his participation in Frente Amplio.
The wider coalition remains unfinished. IU and En Comú Podem are still discussing the project’s leadership and allocation of places. Más Madrid and Movimiento Sumar remain part of those talks, while Colau is seeking an arrangement with Podemos over joint lists.
The outcome could determine whether the left presents a separate ERC-centred brand or a broader slate involving Podemos. Comuns and other forces could also take part. For now, Rufián remains ERC’s candidate, negotiations continue, and sources have not established a final transfer or coalition agreement.
