The case involving Begoña Gómez, wife of Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, narrowed after the Audiencia Provincial de Madrid partially upheld appeals on 13 July 2026. The court limited the investigation to alleged influence peddling and embezzlement of public funds, overturning the inquiry into two other alleged offenses: corruption in business and appropriation. It also lifted precautionary measures against Gómez. Her passport was returned, and the travel restriction and periodic reporting requirements ended. The ruling did not end the proceedings or determine guilt.
The narrower scope is reflected in the prison terms sought by Hazte Oír, the popular prosecution: 13 years for Gómez, down from the earlier request of 24, and six years for Cristina Álvarez, Gómez’s aide at La Moncloa. Judge Juan Carlos Peinado ordered the opening of oral proceedings on 21 September. Gómez faces allegations of influence peddling and embezzlement; Álvarez is accused of embezzlement as an allegedly indispensable accomplice.
The remaining allegations concern a virtual platform associated with the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. El Español reported that the investigation includes claims that Gómez helped secure a contract with Minsait for the husband of Álvarez to develop software for the university project. The case will examine whether the conduct amounted to criminal influence peddling or embezzlement, beyond a professional or institutional connection.
The state prosecution has taken a different position from Hazte Oír. In its provisional conclusions submitted on 7 October, the Fiscalía requested the acquittal of both women, arguing that the conduct did not constitute a crime and that neither illicit economic benefit to Gómez nor damage to public assets had been established. The private prosecution continues to seek convictions and prison sentences of 13 years for Gómez and six years for Álvarez.
The proceedings are expected to go before a popular jury in the Audiencia Provincial de Madrid. A professional judge will preside over a jury of nine citizens, with two substitutes available. As of 19 October, but, preparation had not reached the hearing stage: the case file had not yet arrived at the provincial court, and the presiding judge had not been designated. The court must receive and distribute the file among its sections before appointing that judge.
The investigation initially covered four alleged offenses: influence peddling and corruption in business, along with appropriation and embezzlement. The provincial court’s July ruling removed two allegations from the inquiry while leaving the remaining proceedings in place. It narrowed the case, but did not establish guilt or settle the allegations that remain.
This development echoes other high-stakes legal disputes in Spain’s political field. Disputes over the application of amnesty laws and the role of Spanish courts have also been at the forefront, including when Catalan leaders challenged the Tribunal de Cuentas’ stance on EU rulings, a case detailed in this report on Catalan officials’ legal appeals.
Spain’s legal system allows popular prosecutions, under which private parties or associations can bring a criminal case alongside the public prosecutor. The mechanism is part of the proceedings against Gómez and Álvarez, where the private prosecution’s call for conviction contrasts with the Fiscalía’s request for acquittal. The case remains before the courts, and the jury trial had not yet begun as of 19 October.
