A confidential police report sent to the Audiencia Nacional has put the government’s defense under pressure: the document points to Moroccan involvement in the mass entry of 72,000 migrants into Ceuta. The report comes just as Pedro Sánchez prepares to address Congress, where even members of his own coalition are questioning the official account.
The timing is difficult for Sánchez. The report challenges the government’s repeated efforts to clear Rabat of responsibility, leaving the president politically isolated. The opposition, PP and Vox, is demanding answers. Basic allies Sumar, IU, ERC, EHBildu, PNV, Junts, and Podemos also reject the claim that Morocco had no role. The government’s attempt to shield Rabat has come under pressure from the report and growing dissent within its own ranks.
Information from recent official figures, nearly 70,000 of those who crossed into Ceuta during the July surge were returned to Morocco in the following days.
Sumar has accused Morocco of "responsibility by action or omission," while IU calls the involvement "evident" and "criminal" and demands a stronger diplomatic response. ERC and EHBildu have dismissed the government’s position as "ridiculous," insisting Morocco is the "elephant in the room." Junts and Podemos go further, questioning what use Rabat holds over the Spanish government and calling its stance "incomprehensible" and "submissive."
The criticism goes beyond rhetoric. Alberto Ibáñez of Compromís-Sumar has called for transparency and data, along with clear answers from Sánchez. The PNV warns that Spain must set boundaries with Rabat, while EHBildu describes the incident as a "new generation hybrid attack." Even the government’s usual partners are now distancing themselves from its narrative.
The basic controversy is not proven Moroccan guilt, but a conflict of interpretations over a confidential police report. Some Spanish media say the CENIF document points to the involvement of Moroccan security forces, while the Interior Ministry publicly denies that the report attributes the planning or execution of the events to Morocco.
Sánchez also faces criticism over the government’s handling of the Ceuta incident. Opponents point to a slow response and the timing of the president’s vacation, as well as the lack of a clear plan for the migrants who entered. The right calls for expulsions; the left wants transfers to the peninsula. The government is caught between demands it cannot reconcile, with no agreement in sight.
The government’s narrative has come under pressure in less than two days, with the police report prompting a reckoning within the ruling coalition as well as with the opposition. As reported earlier, the rift has deepened as law enforcement bypassed the Interior Ministry to deliver evidence directly to the courts, exposing divisions at the top of the executive.
The government’s insistence on Morocco’s innocence now looks unsustainable. Previous incidents, such as the 2021 border crisis, have already shown that Rabat uses migration as use. The current police findings reinforce suspicions that Morocco can control its borders when it chooses. The rush to absolve Rabat, despite growing documentation and the situation on the ground, has left Sánchez politically exposed and his credibility in doubt.
Spain’s handling of the Ceuta crisis highlights the government’s political isolation. Its own police have contradicted it, its partners have walked away, and parliament is openly challenging it. The crisis carries more than reputational costs: it signals a breakdown in institutional coherence and a willingness to prioritize diplomatic convenience over transparency. Refusing to address Morocco’s role, even as evidence mounts, looks less like a strategy than a retreat. Sánchez’s effort to control the narrative has only deepened the crisis and left his government more vulnerable.
