Alberto Núñez Feijóo says he will invoke Article 8 of the Constitution to deploy the armed forces if Morocco tries to take Ceuta. The promise came after the July migrant influx and signals a tougher stance on border security. Information from Demócrata, Feijóo said the military must be ready to defend Spain’s borders if there is another "invasion," citing the armed forces’ constitutional duty to protect national unity.
Feijóo says the Army, Air Force and Navy must be prepared to secure the borders, again citing the Constitution. The Partido Popular leader accuses Rabat of having "allowed" the mass entry of migrants into Ceuta, referring to a National Court judge who described the incident as an attack on Spain’s territorial integrity organized from Morocco. Feijóo stops short of saying Morocco directly encouraged the breach, but makes clear whom he holds responsible. The Spanish government under Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez says there is no solid evidence that Moroccan authorities orchestrated the July crisis. Reuters and CNN have reported that no agency has provided proof of direct state involvement. Moroccan officials have attributed the migrant surge to malicious use of social media and disinformation, AFP reported. Spanish and European media, including Euractiv and Politico, have reported on leaked police documents suggesting a possible role for Moroccan authorities in the crisis. Official government statements, but, continue to cite migrant-smuggling networks and disinformation as primary factors. The divergence has fueled parliamentary confrontation and increased pressure on the Sánchez government to clarify the state’s security protocols.
Feijóo’s plan for Ceuta has three basic points: tightening border controls and refusing to "outsource" migration management to other countries; demanding "loyal" but firm relations with Morocco, including the immediate return of migrants still in Ceuta; and using all state resources to process and relocate arrivals under the EU Migration and Asylum Pact and the Return Regulation. His approach reflects a wider debate in Spain about migration and Morocco’s possible involvement at the state level, a claim that remains unproven, as Reuters and Ahram have noted.
He also promises to overhaul intelligence operations, giving security services more power to detect and warn of future border incidents. Feijóo questions the reliability of government reports on the July crisis, calling them incomplete, and demands that the head of the CNI brief the parliamentary secrets committee on what the government knew. Demócrata reports that he has called for the Moroccan ambassador to be summoned and all relevant government reports to be released. He accuses the Sánchez government of hiding basic information and ignoring early warnings from security agencies.
The Western Sahara issue remains unresolved. Feijóo describes a meeting with Morocco’s prime minister at which he refused to back Pedro Sánchez’s agreements on the territory, citing a lack of transparency. He says Spain’s position will be clarified only after full disclosure of Sánchez’s deals and promises to bring the matter to parliament for a vote.
Ceuta’s vulnerability has already prompted major state intervention. As reported earlier, the Spanish government approved a €165 million emergency package to stabilize the city after the border breach, reflecting the scale of the crisis and the political stakes for Madrid.
Feijóo’s approach breaks with previous governments, which often relied on talks and cooperation with Morocco to manage migration. By invoking Article 8 and putting the military at the center of border defense, he is betting on deterrence. The approach may reassure voters who want a tougher line, but it also risks heightened tension with Rabat and could complicate Spain’s foreign policy in North Africa. If Feijóo’s threats are carried out, the room for political maneuver will be gone.
