Jésica Rodríguez, former partner of ex-Transport Minister José Luis Ábalos, and Joseba García, brother of Koldo García, refused to answer questions before the National Court in the ‘Caso Koldo’ investigation. Judge Ismael Moreno had summoned them as suspects after the Supreme Court’s ruling identified Rodríguez’s hiring at Ineco and Tragsatec as part of the wider case involving Ábalos, his former adviser Koldo García and businessman Víctor de Aldama. The court found that Ábalos intervened to help Rodríguez’s employment and that she received pay without doing the corresponding work.
During the hearing, both Rodríguez and García exercised their right not to testify. Joseba García briefly addressed the court, denying any role in Rodríguez’s recruitment and challenging the Supreme Court’s findings. On 22 June 2026, the Supreme Court sentenced Ábalos to 24 years and three months in prison. The offences included organised crime and bribery, as well as embezzlement and influence peddling. The conviction was confirmed on 14 October after the court rejected the defences’ nullity applications. The judgment also treated the public-company appointments as part of the wider case, not as an isolated personnel matter. It cited evidence that Joseba García, already employed at Ineco, helped help Rodríguez’s irregular employment and shielded her from scrutiny.
Rodríguez had previously appeared as a witness during the Supreme Court proceedings, but this was her first appearance as a formal suspect, giving her the right to remain silent. In earlier testimony, she admitted to receiving a salary from Ineco for two years without working and said Ábalos knew about the arrangement. Her account of her duties at Ineco conflicted with Joseba García’s version: she said he had told her to stay home and await instructions, while he insisted he was not her supervisor and had little contact with her. The Supreme Court’s findings also linked the arrangement to García’s cooperation. They recorded that rent for a residence used by Rodríguez was paid through a network associated with Aldama.
Also summoned was Ignacio Zaldívar, a former senior Adif official whose role in Rodríguez’s employment was noted by the Supreme Court. Zaldívar also declined to testify, leaving questions unresolved about his alleged role in her subsequent hiring at Tragsatec, another public company, after her Ineco contract ended. The court’s account said Rodríguez was hired at Tragsatec without a prior interview, immediately after her Ineco contract expired. Zaldívar had previously testified as a witness, saying Rodríguez was treated as a special case after Adif’s then-president, Isabel Pardo de Vera, told him the minister had complained about her being ‘bothered’ at Ineco. The issue reportedly arose from attempts to deliver meal vouchers to Rodríguez, who could not be reached at the office.
The National Court is separately investigating Pardo de Vera’s possible role in Rodríguez’s recruitment at Ineco and Tragsatec. In May 2025, Anticorruption prosecutors supported the investigation, citing possible indications of embezzlement or influence peddling. The case was later described as being in its final investigative phase, with Judge Ismael Moreno asking the parties to identify the next procedural steps and those who might face proceedings. Pardo de Vera’s defence has said it is willing to cooperate with the judicial process. This inquiry remains separate from the Supreme Court’s completed judgment against Ábalos.
The ‘Caso Koldo’ has drawn impressive attention for its implications for public-sector hiring and the potential misuse of government resources. It has also renewed scrutiny of influence peddling and accountability within Spain’s public administration. Similar controversies over political pressure and officials’ conduct have surfaced in recent years. The PP, for example, demanded explanations from Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska over alleged interference with the Guardia Civil’s operations during Madrid’s regional holiday, as detailed in this related report on political pressure in Spanish institutions.
Ineco is a state-owned engineering and consultancy firm under the Ministry of Transport, often involved in major infrastructure projects. Scrutiny of Rodríguez’s employment has intensified debate about transparency and oversight at public companies. The proceedings examine both the original Ineco appointment and the subsequent move to Tragsatec, focusing attention on public-company recruitment and political influence as Spain continues to grapple with public trust in its institutions.
