The Spanish government has explored the possibility of King Felipe VI contacting Morocco's King Mohamed VI over the migration crisis in Ceuta, information from sources from the executive and the Royal Household cited by EL PAÍS. The call has not taken place as both sides monitor the situation after the mass movement of people from Morocco into Ceuta on July 30 and 31.
Royal Household officials are waiting to see how events develop before considering direct intervention. A royal visit to Ceuta or a call to Mohamed VI remains an option if deemed useful and requested by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, who has not formally taken that step. Felipe VI has followed the crisis closely, holding meetings and phone conversations with basic political figures. They include Ceuta's president Juan Jesús Vivas, Melilla's president Juan José Imbroda, and opposition leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo. He met Vivas at the Marivent Palace on August 6 but has not contacted Morocco's monarch.
Although Sánchez has not personally requested the king's involvement, a cabinet minister suggested to the Royal Household that a proactive call to Mohamed VI could ease tensions and thank Morocco for its role in returning migrants after the July episode. The scale of the emergency remains basic to the diplomacy: Spain's central government initially cited more than 80,000 entries, while a later Government of Ceuta report estimated at least 96,058 over July 30 and 31. That higher figure was an accumulated administrative estimate, not a person-by-person count or a revised total confirmed by the Interior Ministry. Most people returned to Morocco within hours, but thousands remained in Ceuta, including unaccompanied minors and people from sub-Saharan Africa.
The government has so far avoided direct confrontation with Rabat, instead attributing the crisis to social-media-driven “pull factors” and unidentified criminal networks. The opposition, led by the PP, initially criticized Madrid's handling of the crisis but has since toughened its stance toward Morocco, accusing it of using migration as use. Spain's need for Moroccan cooperation on returns has made the response diplomatically sensitive, even as pressure has grown for a firm defence of the border.
The Royal Household decided against immediate contact with Mohamed VI, concerned that such a move could be misinterpreted while the crisis remains unresolved. ABC reported that the Crown's public position combined support for Ceuta's institutions and border integrity with calls for legal returns and humane treatment. The paper also reported that the king described the mass crossing as unacceptable. Diplomatic sources describe the current monarchs' relationship as more reserved than the close personal ties between former King Juan Carlos and Hassan II. The Spanish Royal Household has noted that Mohamed VI once sought advice from the Spanish embassy in Rabat about a Spanish teacher for his son, while describing the broader relationship as different, not strained.
A future call or visit by Felipe VI to Ceuta has not been ruled out; any such step will depend on the government's assessment of its usefulness and timing. The government has already sent eight ministers to the region, and its spokesperson has been stationed in Ceuta for several days. Palace officials have denied reports that the Royal Household considered a brief visit by the king, similar to Sánchez's trip on July 31.
Since the crisis began, Sánchez has coordinated with his ministers from his summer residence in Lanzarote but has not returned to Ceuta. After meeting Felipe VI in Palma, Vivas said the king was committed to visiting the city, though no date has been set and any trip will be arranged in line with government planning.
Madrid is aware of the sensitivity of a royal visit to Ceuta, given Morocco's longstanding claims over the city. The only visit by a Spanish head of state in recent history was Juan Carlos I's in 2007. It lasted just five hours but was seen as a historic gesture and prompted protests from Moroccan authorities, who view Ceuta as disputed territory. During his stay, Juan Carlos I made no direct mention of Morocco, instead emphasizing his commitment to all Spaniards.
The return operation has continued alongside efforts to manage those who remained in the city. Spain's minister of Territorial Policy, Ángel Víctor Torres, reported that 11,756 people had returned to Morocco between August 10 and October 14: 11,225 voluntary returns and 531 expulsions. Later government figures put the total above 12,700, reflecting a subsequent reporting date. Spanish authorities also reported that 5,237 security personnel had been deployed and 11,375 surveillance and information patrols conducted; large encampments at Trampolín, Benítez and Guano beaches were dismantled.
The humanitarian and legal dimensions have complicated efforts to clear the backlog. Reuters reported that more than 1,000 of those remaining were from sub-Saharan countries whose nationals receive asylum in Spain in more than 90% of cases, according to government statistics. Its reporting also highlighted a heavily pregnant woman, Fatna, and her disabled son while examining how vulnerable people were treated during reception and return procedures. Nationality, potential asylum eligibility and vulnerability screening remain relevant alongside border management and return arrangements.
For additional context on political tensions and calls for stronger border measures in Ceuta, see this related report on how local PSOE deputies have demanded a state of alarm and Frontex deployment: Ceuta socialists urge Madrid to act on border emergency.
Ceuta and Melilla, Spain's two autonomous cities on the North African coast, have long been focal points for migration and diplomatic friction with Morocco. The Spanish government typically seeks to balance border security with stable relations with Rabat. The two countries cooperate on migration control and trade, with counterterrorism also part of the relationship. In that setting, direct contact between the monarchs could offer a channel for communication, but it also risks being read as either a concession or an escalation.
