Corruption has returned to the forefront of Spanish politics, and the Partido Popular (PP) is facing renewed scrutiny over its past scandals. Despite efforts to present itself as a force for political renewal, the PP remains closely linked to corruption in the eyes of many voters, recent surveys show. That perception limits the party's ability to capitalize on the current crisis facing the PSOE, as reported by El País.
During the final parliamentary session before the summer recess, corruption dominated the agenda. ERC spokesperson Gabriel Rufián cited the high-profile Gürtel and Lezo cases, then brought up Púnica. He also named Kitchen and referenced former PP ministers and regional leaders. Some had been convicted; others were on trial or under investigation. The exchange highlighted a persistent dynamic: while the PSOE faces scandals of its own, the PP struggles to present itself as a credible alternative on corruption.
An October 2026 report by EFE, citing polling by the Centro de Estudios Andaluces, said political dissatisfaction and corruption ranked second among concerns about Spain, at 16.8%, behind housing. The report distinguished those responses from concerns about Andalucía, a reminder that regional findings should not be treated as a national measure of party support. In the regional voting estimate, the PP was projected to remain short of a majority. Vox and Adelante Andalucía were expected to gain ground.
Recent polling data shows the scale of the PP's challenge. The party remains below its 2023 general election results, even as the PSOE loses support amid ongoing judicial cases. Analysts say the PP is not the basic beneficiary of disillusioned PSOE voters. Instead, left-wing parties such as Sumar and undecided voters have gained more. The transfer of votes from the PSOE to the PP has increased only marginally, despite the PSOE's recent setbacks.
Experts point to the lack of a clear anti-corruption champion in the current political field. In 2015, new parties such as Podemos and Ciudadanos attracted voters seeking political renewal. Today, no party has filled that role. The PP's own record continues to undermine its message: a recent +Democracia ranking placed it near the bottom for democratic quality. Among 17 parties, only Vox scored lower.
Surveys show that most voters, except those loyal to the PP and Vox, still associate the PP more strongly with corruption than the PSOE. Even among its own supporters, the PP struggles to appear a credible force for political regeneration. In parliamentary debates, references to the party's past scandals are often used to counter its attacks on the PSOE.
The party has nevertheless added anti-corruption proposals to its campaign agenda. In commitments reported by EFE on October 19, 2026, PP leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo promised an audit of public spending and fewer ministries. He also pledged to reduce senior posts. His document described the pledges as a personal commitment and said political officeholders would answer for corruption committed by their subordinates. The measures appeared alongside proposals on taxes and pensions. The document also addressed the separation of powers.
Feijóo has paired that institutional message with direct attacks on the PSOE. EFE reported on October 18 that he accused socialists of being accustomed to corruption and extortion, and vowed that everything would be revealed and cleaned up. In a separate campaign dispute reported on October 22, PP spokesperson Ester Muñoz defended the party's use of artificial intelligence in campaign videos. The PSOE was considering a complaint over a video depicting socialists allegedly linked to corruption scandals. The episode put campaign material and allegations against political opponents in focus ahead of the November 29 election.
Another complication is the widespread belief in Spain that judicial processes are used as political weapons. More than 65% of citizens believe lawfare exists, with a impressive portion viewing left-wing parties as the basic targets. That climate makes it harder for the PP to claim the moral high ground on corruption.
Leadership ratings for PP president Alberto Núñez Feijóo have also declined in recent months. Despite the PSOE's troubles, Feijóo has lost ground on basic indicators such as trust and approval. He remains behind Pedro Sánchez in overall ratings. That further limits the PP's ability to present itself as a credible alternative.
Some analysts argue the PP is trying to spread the perception that all parties are equally tainted by corruption, rather than present itself as a model of virtue. They say the approach aims to demobilize left-wing voters, not energize the PP's own base. The goal is to secure enough support, potentially in alliance with Vox, to form a government, even if the PP does not significantly increase its own vote share.
Rufián's broader political strategy also reflects the role regional parties can play in national governing arrangements. In an October 2026 EFE report about his book, the ERC congressional leader urged Catalan and Basque sovereignist movements to take part in governing Spain and use their parliamentary use to press for structural change. He also called on Galician groups to join. His appeal extended to Valencian and Andalusian sovereignists. Rufián described his aim as putting pressure on the PSOE from within a PSOE-led government.
Spain has a long history of political corruption cases involving both major parties. The Gürtel case, which led to the fall of the last PP government, remains a reference point in public debate. The PSOE has also faced high-profile scandals, but the PP's legacy continues to weigh heavily on its image. The party's ongoing association with past scandals leaves its anti-corruption campaign facing impressive obstacles.
