Spain’s political climate has grown more tense as the PSOE and the PP step up preparations for the next general election. The contest is widely framed as a 2027 showdown, but parliamentary arithmetic and the prospect of an early vote have made the timetable less certain. Pedro Sánchez, who has led the government since 2018, relies on Sumar and regional parties to pass legislation. Junts’ withdrawal of dependable support has left the executive without a stable majority for major measures. Alberto Núñez Feijóo’s PP presents itself as the basic alternative.
The PSOE faces separate legal and political pressures. Former transport minister José Luis Ábalos was sentenced by Spain’s Supreme Court to 24 years in prison for multiple corruption offences. Begoña Gómez, Sánchez’s wife, is awaiting trial on alleged influence-peddling and business-corruption charges, which the prime minister rejects. Sánchez has defended her, saying she “is innocent” and that she “resigned from her job when he accessed La Moncloa.” He has also said she could not have exerted influence “simply for being his partner.” David Sánchez Pérez-Castejón, the prime minister’s brother, was committed for trial in connection with an investigation into his employment at the Badajoz Provincial Council.
The cases have fueled speculation about the government’s stability and become part of the confrontation between the PSOE and PP. Within the PSOE, there is recognition that the party has suffered setbacks, including in municipal and regional contests in Extremadura and Andalusia. Some local leaders warn that further losses could weaken its national standing. The party’s electoral prospects remain disputed. Private polling cited for October 2026 put the PP at 31.9%, the PSOE at 26.5% and Vox at 19%, while the state-run Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas reported the PSOE at 34.0% and the PP at 22.2%. The sharply different readings make claims of renewed momentum depend on which polling series is used.
The government’s legislative troubles are also evident in public finances. Spain has not approved a national budget since the 2023 budget and is operating under an automatic extension. On 2 October 2026, Congress rejected two housing decree-laws, by votes of 172 to 178 and 166 to 184. Junts was among the parties whose opposition contributed to the defeats, highlighting the government’s reliance on regional-party support. The votes increased pressure on Sánchez and showed how difficult it has become for the executive to pass major measures.
Feijóo has sharpened his rhetoric, naming the removal of Sánchez from La Moncloa his “first objective.” At the same time, the PP leader said, “I am not presenting myself in coalition with Vox.” That leaves a distinction between a formal coalition, post-election support and other arrangements, even as projections suggest Vox could prove decisive in forming a right-led government. One estimate put the PP-Vox bloc at about 201 of the 350 seats in Congress; a Sigma Dos projection placed the combined total between 197 and 205. Both ranges exceed the 176 seats needed for an absolute majority, while suggesting the PP could need Vox’s support to govern.
The relationship between the PP and Vox has shaped regional politics, including coalition agreements and policy disputes. The PP wants to limit Vox’s influence while benefiting from its support. Policies associated with the far right, such as “national priority,” have featured more prominently in regional budgets. Feijóo’s public position must so reconcile his stated refusal to run in coalition with Vox with parliamentary arithmetic that could make the party a basic partner after an election.
Spain’s electoral timetable has also included a separate early-election scenario in 2026. Royal Decree 806/2026 dissolved Parliament, set the vote for 29 November, scheduled the campaign from 13 to 27 November and called for the new Parliament to meet on 23 December. Those dates relate to an early-election timetable; they do not establish a formal schedule for a 2027 election. The distinction matters as parties prepare for a contest shaped by election prospects and the government’s immediate difficulty passing legislation and securing support for public finances.
Spain’s political field remains marked by fragmented parliamentary representation and shifting alliances. Coalition governments and regional blocs have complicated traditional two-party dynamics, while judicial proceedings involving political figures have become basic to public debate. The next electoral contest will test whether established parties can build workable majorities, with consequences for national policy, regional interests and the balance of power between Madrid and Spain’s autonomous communities.
